| dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/11401/77683 | |
| dc.description.sponsorship | This work is sponsored by the Stony Brook University Graduate School in compliance with the requirements for completion of degree. | en_US |
| dc.format | Monograph | |
| dc.format.medium | Electronic Resource | en_US |
| dc.language.iso | en_US | |
| dc.publisher | The Graduate School, Stony Brook University: Stony Brook, NY. | |
| dc.type | Thesis | |
| dcterms.abstract | This study offers for the first time empirical and theoretical data on the intonation of the Spanish variety spoken in Montevideo, the capital city of Uruguay. It proposes a phonological analysis of broad focus declarative and yes/no question utterances of simple, coordinated, and subordinated sentences recorded during fieldwork in Montevideo. The analysis relies on the Autosegmental-Metrical (AM) model (Pierrehumbert 1980) and the Sp_ToBI transcription system (Beckman et al 2002, Estebas-Vilaplana and Prieto 2009). The analysis of the F0 track shows that coordinated and subordinated sentences of both declarative and yes/no question utterances were parsed into utterance-medial IP (aligned with the 1st clause) and utterance-final IP (aligned with the 2nd clause). The data indicates that the Montevideo declarative intonation follows the Castilian Spanish pattern by marking medial IP with a rising boundary (H%) and marking final IP with a falling boundary (L%). Yes/no questions, on the other hand, deviates from the canonical pattern by marking medial IP with alternating rising boundary (H%) or falling boundary (L%) and marking final IP non-ultimate nuclear stress with a falling boundary (L%) and ultimate nuclear stress with a rising ending produced by the nuclear accent as a result of boundary tone deletion. This study also reports the same prenuclear contour in medial and final IP of both declarative and yes/no question utterances. From a traditional perspective, the prenuclear contour is characterized by alternating tonic right-edge peaks with post-tonic peaks. However, the data suggests that the variation in F0 peak alignment in prenuclear position is gradual and not categorical. Assuming the premise that the end of the tonic syllable is also the beginning of the post-tonic syllable at the metrical level, this study proposes this alignment variation results from a single pitch accent, an early rising pitch accent with a late peak aligned with the post-tonic syllable (L+>H*). The data also suggests that pitch height, like peak alignment, is phonologically specified by the pitch accent. The nuclear contour of declarative final IP contrasts with the prenuclear contour in peak alignment. It associates to an early peak aligned with the tonic syllable (L+H*). As for yes/no question final IP, the nuclear contrasts with the prenuclear contour in peak height. It associates to a late peak that reaches a target higher than the preceding prenuclear peak (L+>¡H*). This tall and late peak also marks the nuclear stress of the medial IP in both declarative and yes/no question utterances. It follows, then, that the medial and final IP of yes/no questions are marked with the same nuclear stress. Consequently, the contrast between the two falls to the boundary contour. When the boundary movement also has the same shape, then the data indicates that speakers rely on pitch height to contrast the two IP by producing a taller nuclear rise for final IP than for medial IP. | |
| dcterms.abstract | This study offers for the first time empirical and theoretical data on the intonation of the Spanish variety spoken in Montevideo, the capital city of Uruguay. It proposes a phonological analysis of broad focus declarative and yes/no question utterances of simple, coordinated, and subordinated sentences recorded during fieldwork in Montevideo. The analysis relies on the Autosegmental-Metrical (AM) model (Pierrehumbert 1980) and the Sp_ToBI transcription system (Beckman et al 2002, Estebas-Vilaplana and Prieto 2009). The analysis of the F0 track shows that coordinated and subordinated sentences of both declarative and yes/no question utterances were parsed into utterance-medial IP (aligned with the 1st clause) and utterance-final IP (aligned with the 2nd clause). The data indicates that the Montevideo declarative intonation follows the Castilian Spanish pattern by marking medial IP with a rising boundary (H%) and marking final IP with a falling boundary (L%). Yes/no questions, on the other hand, deviates from the canonical pattern by marking medial IP with alternating rising boundary (H%) or falling boundary (L%) and marking final IP non-ultimate nuclear stress with a falling boundary (L%) and ultimate nuclear stress with a rising ending produced by the nuclear accent as a result of boundary tone deletion. This study also reports the same prenuclear contour in medial and final IP of both declarative and yes/no question utterances. From a traditional perspective, the prenuclear contour is characterized by alternating tonic right-edge peaks with post-tonic peaks. However, the data suggests that the variation in F0 peak alignment in prenuclear position is gradual and not categorical. Assuming the premise that the end of the tonic syllable is also the beginning of the post-tonic syllable at the metrical level, this study proposes this alignment variation results from a single pitch accent, an early rising pitch accent with a late peak aligned with the post-tonic syllable (L+>H*). The data also suggests that pitch height, like peak alignment, is phonologically specified by the pitch accent. The nuclear contour of declarative final IP contrasts with the prenuclear contour in peak alignment. It associates to an early peak aligned with the tonic syllable (L+H*). As for yes/no question final IP, the nuclear contrasts with the prenuclear contour in peak height. It associates to a late peak that reaches a target higher than the preceding prenuclear peak (L+>¡H*). This tall and late peak also marks the nuclear stress of the medial IP in both declarative and yes/no question utterances. It follows, then, that the medial and final IP of yes/no questions are marked with the same nuclear stress. Consequently, the contrast between the two falls to the boundary contour. When the boundary movement also has the same shape, then the data indicates that speakers rely on pitch height to contrast the two IP by producing a taller nuclear rise for final IP than for medial IP. | |
| dcterms.available | 2017-09-20T16:53:19Z | |
| dcterms.contributor | ElÃas-Ulloa, José A | en_US |
| dcterms.contributor | RUIZ-DEBBE, LILIA. | en_US |
| dcterms.creator | Araujo, Deborah Silva de | |
| dcterms.dateAccepted | 2017-09-20T16:53:19Z | |
| dcterms.dateSubmitted | 2017-09-20T16:53:19Z | |
| dcterms.description | Department of Hispanic Languages and Literature. | en_US |
| dcterms.extent | 126 pg. | en_US |
| dcterms.format | Application/PDF | en_US |
| dcterms.format | Monograph | |
| dcterms.identifier | http://hdl.handle.net/11401/77683 | |
| dcterms.issued | 2013-12-01 | |
| dcterms.language | en_US | |
| dcterms.provenance | Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-20T16:53:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Araujo_grad.sunysb_0771M_11706.pdf: 1141552 bytes, checksum: 926c60315f7b7af45e23cf5018dcfe12 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 1 | en |
| dcterms.publisher | The Graduate School, Stony Brook University: Stony Brook, NY. | |
| dcterms.subject | Intonation, Montevideo, Prosody, Spanish, Uruguay | |
| dcterms.subject | Language | |
| dcterms.title | Declarative and yes/no question intonation in Montevideo Spanish | |
| dcterms.type | Thesis | |
